Hamas negotiator talks to The Grayzone about new barriers to Palestinian freedom

By Aaron Mate

This December in Doha, Qatar, The Grayzone’s Aaron Mate sat down with senior Hamas negotiator and former Minister of Health in the Gaza Strip Dr. Bassem Naim to discuss the fractured ceasefire in Gaza, the prospects for a second phase, and Hamas’s political and military positions amid ongoing Israeli siege. Dr. Naim argues that the so-called ceasefire has largely failed due to Israeli violations and that any meaningful progress toward peace is impossible without addressing the roots of the crisis: the lack of Palestinian self-determination and ongoing military occupation.

Dr. Naim contends that Hamas has fully complied with its obligations under the first phase of the ceasefire agreement, including the release of Israeli prisoners and bodies, while Israel has failed to uphold its commitments. More than 350 Palestinians have been killed and hundreds wounded since the ceasefire began, with frequent Israeli attacks continuing daily. Israel has restricted humanitarian aid, blocked essential supplies, limited entry of heavy machinery needed for rubble removal and reconstruction, and kept the Rafah crossing largely closed, preventing wounded civilians, students, and families from traveling. Dr. Naim explains how these systematic violations were reported to mediators without consequence.

Because the first phase has not been implemented as agreed, Dr. Naim argues that discussion of a second phase is premature and problematic. He rejects the framing that Hamas alone would determine the next phase, stating that decisions about Gaza’s future, resistance, and governance must involve all factions inside the Palestinian polity. He slams international proposals that marginalize Palestinians from decision-making structures, including a proposed international “boards of peace,” which he likens to an occupation imposed from outside.

Asked about the role of the international community, Dr. Naim says Hamas would accept a limited international role strictly confined to supervising the ceasefire, facilitating aid, and supporting reconstruction. He supports the deployment of an international stabilization force only along Gaza’s borders to separate Israeli forces from Palestinians, not inside Palestinian cities or in daily governance, noting the consensus among Arab and Muslim countries for this position.

Asked about demands that Hamas unilaterally give up its weapons, Dr. Naim strongly rejects unconditional disarmament, arguing that Palestinians remain under occupation and retain the right under international law to resist, including through armed struggle. History did not begin on October 7, he argues, explaining how Palestinians have endured decades of killings, dispossession, and siege. While rejecting disarmament, he leaves open the possibility of long-term ceasefires lasting five to ten years, during which weapons could be frozen or stored – but only if tied to a credible political process leading to a sovereign Palestinian state with clear timelines and guarantees against renewed Israeli attacks.

Dr. Naim blasts the UN resolution for being vague, selectively enforced, and lacking enforceable commitments to Palestinian self-determination. He argues that international law and UN resolutions must be treated as a package, not selectively applied to serve Israeli interests while ignoring Palestinian rights such as statehood and the right of return.

Asked by Mate about Hamas’ support for a two-state solution, Dr. Naim restates the Movement’s longstanding position that Hamas would cooperate with a consensus Palestinian position supporting a fully sovereign state on the 1967 borders, provided it includes East Jerusalem and guarantees the right of return for refugees. He emphasizes that this would represent a historic compromise and insists that such a state is not a concession from Israel, but a Palestinian right under international law. Recognition of Israel, he argues, would be a decision for a future Palestinian state and society, not one imposed amid ongoing violence.

On the issue of continuing Palestinian divisions, Dr. Naim acknowledges deep fragmentation between Hamas and the Palestinian Authority, describing decades of failed reconciliation efforts despite repeated agreements. He argues that the Oslo process has failed catastrophically, citing massive settlement expansion and annexation. He attributes continued division partly to external pressure from Israel and the United States, which he says have conditioned Palestinian leadership choices.

He explains Hamas’s efforts to secure the release of prisoners from all factions, particularly Marwan Barghouti, a Fatah-aligned longtime political prisoner with street credibility across Palestine. According to Dr. Naim, Hamas views Barghouti as one of the only figures capable of reshaping Palestinian politics and advancing unity.

Dr. Naim closes by addressing Palestinian criticism of Hamas and its October 7 operation, particularly those who argue that the unbelievable levels of civilian suffering were not worth it. While acknowledging dissent, he argues that Palestinians faced no viable alternative under siege and occupation. He frames Hamas’s actions as resistance born of desperation and insists that the root problem is the “prison” of occupation itself, and that resistance is inevitable under such unjust conditions.

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